On election day, voters in four Colorado cities –
Boulder, Lafayette, Fort Collins, and Broomfield – weighed in on whether or not
to allow hydraulic fracturing in their communities. Measures to ban “fracking” passed easily in
the first three while the Broomfield proposition fell short by only a few votes
and appears headed for a recount. As is
well known by now, the state regards the regulation of drilling activities as
its sole domain and has filed suit over an earlier fracking restriction in
Longmont.
It has been well documented that the state and nation as
a whole have benefitted immensely from new oil and gas extraction
technologies. The U.S. is now the world’s
largest producer of natural gas and, thanks to new production in shale oil and
shale gas, is on a path to become a net energy exporter in a few short years –
something that would have been unthinkable not long ago. Moreover, reductions in greenhouse gas
emissions from the electrical power sector are the result of the increase in natural
gas fired power generation – a direct result of the decrease in price that has accompanied
the increased supply due to fracking (the impact of renewables in achieving
this reduction, in spite of receiving a disproportionate amount of press, has
been negligible in this regard). So, in
spite of the economic and environmental benefits of hydraulic fracturing and
horizontal drilling, why did these communities vote to ban them?
First, there remains a widespread misunderstanding of the
environmental concerns associated with hydraulic fracturing. Fracking occurs thousands of feet below the
surface, well below any source of potable water in the country. And, in spite of some alarmist propaganda,
there have been no demonstrable cases of fracking at depth contaminating ground
water supplies. But, with that said,
there have been problems, virtually all of which emanate from poor well completions
and other surface or near surface drilling contamination. While these are not an issue with hydraulic fracturing
per se (i.e. they could occur with conventional production as well) they are
legitimate concerns. To some extent, the
industry is its own worst enemy, whether it is its own failure to adequately
take preventive measures against spills or specious claims about the need for
trade secret protection for the constituents of frac fluids.
There are some 50,000 oil and gas wells in Colorado with approximately
2,000 new wells drilled each year. A
check of the COGCC incident reporting database reveals that thus far in 2013,
there were just over 100 spills that impacted surface or ground water, with
about a quarter of those a result of the September floods. Most others appear not related to drilling and
completion activity but resulted from mechanical failures in collection and
distribution systems. Even though that
incident rate is only a few percent, you would probably not get on an airplane
if the airline industry’s incident rate was that high. So, perhaps there is something to learn from
the exemplary safety record of the airline industry and the transparency
afforded by the Airline Safety Reporting System (ASRS) which allows everyone to
share and learn from critical incidents that are voluntarily reported by
pilots. FYI, the same has been suggested
for the medical community as well.
It is a fair question to ask why local communities should
not have the same right to regulate this type of industrial activity within
their borders as they do in regulating building permits, construction, transmission
lines, or other industrial activities?
But, perhaps they should consider establishing systems to evaluate
drilling activity on a well by well basis rather than enact outright bans. It strikes me that the referenda on hydraulic
fracturing are as much a statement on the state’s oversight of drilling as on
concerns with fracking itself. In other
words, do the residents of these communities trust the state and its cognizant
regulatory authority, the Colorado Oil and Gas Conservation Commission (COGCC),
to protect their interests? The answer, it
seems, may be no.
I have written in the past about the inconsistency in
energy development regulation in Colorado noting that, while the state asserts
primacy in the regulation of oil and gas drilling, it remains strangely
disinterested in permitting electric generating facilities, be they renewable
energy related or otherwise. For
instance, I would venture to say that most citizens are entirely unaware that
neither the Public Utilities Commission nor the Colorado Energy Office requires
even the most minimal registration of, or could provide data on, all of the
electrical generating facilities in the state, the principal exception being
the Department of Public Health and Environment which issues air quality
permits for them. Drillers, at least, must
file a permit application for each well they seek to drill.
The bottom line is that I would be no more in favor of
having a drilling rig 500 feet from my back door than I am having a 400-foot
wind turbine there. And, before critics
decry this as NIMBYism at its worst, consider that both drilling and renewable
energy facilities represent industrial development that is not wholly
compatible with residential neighborhoods.
The important point is not that these types of energy development do not
belong anywhere, but rather that they do not belong everywhere. And, until the supply of energy (be it liquid
fuels or electricity) becomes so critically short, there is no reason to find
that no land – be it residential or wilderness – should not be off limits.
Yes, the state and
the oil and gas industry need to get their acts together and do a better job of
understanding and responding to the legitimate concerns of the public. Perhaps a reporting system analogous to the
ASRS mentioned above would help. Local
communities that seek to ban hydraulic fracturing entirely, on the other hand,
need to consider more flexible regulatory schemas that can be applied with more
precision than a sledge hammer. The
nation, the economy, and the environment have benefitted from unconventional
oil and gas development and we need to figure out how to keep this train
rolling.
Just a quick update. No sooner did I post this than we learned that the Broomfield fracking ban passed by 17 votes rather than losing by 13 as originally believed. So close that either way, a recount will be forthcoming. RM
ReplyDeleteOK, so now, after the recount, the Broomfield measure passes by 20 votes. And, the lawsuits have already begun.
ReplyDeleteAwesome that you are on this and getting the news out in understandable terms. Thank you.
ReplyDelete